GOOD POINT!

Electronic fence needed between gangsterism and politics

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Published On:Friday, June 10, 2011

ANYONE who has followed the rise and fall of Jamaica’s drug kingpin, Christopher “Dudus” Coke, or read KC Samuels’ account of Coke’s meteoric rise and eventual fall into the arms of a waiting “Uncle Sam”, should be grateful that the Bahamas’ own drug kingpin, “Ninety” Knowles, was eventually extradited to the US before he had time to consolidate his own growing empire.

By the time Dudus, who was born into a life of crime, had run his course, he was becoming more powerful even than the Jamaican government. However, before his saga is done, what might be revealed during his trial in the US, could well bring down the JLP government of Bruce Golding.

Dudus’ father, Jim Brown, who died mysteriously in a fire in his prison cell in Jamaica, was Prime Minister Edward Seaga’s man. Brown was a don who could be relied on to deliver the votes from Tivoli Gardens for Seaga’s Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). Brown headed the Shower Posse and violence and bloodshed entered Jamaican politics. The politicians and hoodlums were too close for comfort right up to last year when “the President” – Dudus himself – challenged the prime minister, who under pressure had agreed his extradition to the US.

The don of Tivoli, who by this time had taken his father’s criminal enterprise and built it into an international empire, was receiving all the Jamaican government’s construction contracts, as well as collecting from his international drug-dealing enterprises. Over time he had built himself such a strong outpost that by the time the US government targeted him, he had an armed force ready to challenge his arrest. The residents of Tivoli barricaded themselves in to protect their don and opened fire on the forces sent to arrest him. By the time the armed forces had quelled the uprising, 74 Jamaicans, including a police officer, were dead, but Dudus was still on the run.

For more than a month Dudus eluded the authorities. When he was eventually caught, disguised in a woman’s wig, he waived his rights and agreed to be extradited to the US to face drugs and weapons charges.

Tivoli Gardens was former prime minister Edward Seaga’s stronghold. Seaga took care of the residents. Dudus, taking on his father’s mantle as head of the Posse, pushed the prime minister’s care and protection of Tivoli residents to a new level.

Dudus had two faces. To the people of Tivoli and all those who paid him homage he was a good man, a generous man, a man without blemish. However, to others he was a gangster, a crook, a drug and gun peddler – a threat to society. The Americans described him as a dangerous narcotics kingpin.

Golding’s government fought the extradition request. Golding explained that the attorney general and justice minister had refrained from signing Dudus’ extradition because the evidence as outlined by the US was obtained illegally. Eventually an embarrassed Golding, with calls for his resignation echoing in his ears, apologised and signed.

Here in the Bahamas, employing every delaying tactic in the courts, “Ninety” Knowles from his jail cell in Fox Hill prison, held the Americans at bay for six years. President George Bush had personally labeled him an international narcotics kingpin under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpins Designation Act. He was described as the head of a multinational drug organization and in the US was found guilty of drug conspiracy and sentenced to 28 years in a Florida prison. The jury recommended that his US$19.5 million in assets be forfeited to the US government.

However, Knowles’ extradition created a furor in Nassau, and even drew out placard-carrying demonstrators when then foreign affairs minister Fred Mitchell signed a warrant of surrender before Knowles had exhausted his legal appeals. The Court of Appeal recorded its “serious concern” at the manner that Knowles had been removed from the Bahamas.

However, legally right or wrong, it was the best decision for the Bahamas. Already Knowles, like Dudus, was building his little empire of supporters. He was generous with his ill-gotten gains, which he distributed liberally among the poor.

According to Wikileaks, a US diplomat wrote in November 2006 that Knowles’ extradition would lead to the “withdrawal of an important source of election funding.” Yes, Knowles was a menace to society.

But as Samuels concluded in his book “Jamaica’s first President – Dudus, 1992-2010” — “What needs to be realised here even more than anything else, is the deadly end result of politics and corruption. Duduses are a dime a dozen, hundreds have been born since he was extradited. He was not the first and he won’t be the last to face such a fate, and therein again is the problem — because if Jamaica is to move forward as a nation, and his type of behaviour is to be confined to the pages of history, then the line between gangsterism and politics must become an electronic fence.”